Les représentations de l'interculturalisme à l'Assemblée nationale du Québec

L'interculturalisme n'ayant toujours pas été officialisé par l'intermédiaire d'une loi ou politique publique formelle et contraignante, comment les parlementaires québécois – mais aussi les intervenants avec qui ils dialoguent – se le représentent-ils dans leurs échanges à l'Assemblée nationale? Cet article se propose de répondre à cette question en réalisant une analyse de contenu critique qualitative et systématique des échanges portant sur l'interculturalisme à l'Assemblée nationale du Québec depuis l'apparition de cette notion en 1987 (33e législature) jusqu'à la portion de la 42e législature (2018-) qui précède l'ajournement des travaux au mois de mars 2020, en raison de la pandémie de COVID-19. En montrant l'existence de deux principales coalitions de discours, l'une qualifiée de libérale-pluraliste et l'autre de républicaine-moniste, cet article décortique les débats parlementaires en illustrant comment les acteurs associés à ces deux approches se représentent les fondements du modèle québécois en matière d'aménagement de la diversité, le rapport qu'il propose entre la culture majoritaire et les minorités ethnoculturelles, et ses objectifs présumés.Alternate :Interculturalism has yet to be formalized through a binding law or public policy. In that context, how do Quebec's parliamentarians-and the stakeholders with whom they interact-represent it in their exchanges at the National Assembly? This article seeks to answer this question by conducting a qualitative and systematic critical content analysis of the exchanges on interculturalism in the Quebec National Assembly from the emergence of this notion in 1987 (33rd legislature) to the portion of the 42nd legislature (2018−) that precedes the adjournment of the proceedings in March 2020, due to the COVID-19 pandemic. By showing the existence of two main discourse coalitions, one characterized as liberal-pluralist and the other as republican-monist, this article analyzes the parliamentary debates by underscoring how the actors involved in these two approaches are representative of the foundations of the Quebec model of diversity management and by illustrating the presumed objectives of this model and the relationship it proposes between the majority culture and ethnocultural minorities.

Imagining Feminist Academic Collaborations Beyond Exceptionalized Crises

In March 2020, in response to the COVID-19 global pandemic, universities and colleges across the United States began to unroll plans to shift residential teaching to remote or virtual learning environments. As feminist scholars primarily located in the US academy, we are invested in mapping longer genealogies of crises in the settler-colonial US academy, delineating how racist, imperial, and hierarchical structures that are replicated and reinstated by the academy formulate continuous and ongoing discursive and material violence towards racialized, classed, and gendered minorities. By centering what we refer to as feminist modalities of care tthat center collective, communal, and transnational feminist interventions, this article challenges the imperatives of academic success and survival beyond the logics of emergency and crisis. We explore the interlinked transnational discourses of emergency and crisis, mapping their travels and circulations in local and global academic networks in ways that reproduce systemic inequalities and the politics of value that inform power hierarchies within the academy. Energized by a refusal to normalize crises, this essay is invested in showing how feminist interventions, here explored under three modalities, including research and teaching collaborations and coalitions that take place inside and beyond the academy and against its competitive logics, can challenge the imperatives of academic survival premised on notions of individualistic care, productivity, and worth.

A cautionary tale: Pandemic survival lessons to sustain teen substance use prevention coalitions

Community coalitions have the potential to improve teen health outcomes by reducing risk and reinforcing protective factors across multiple community systems to mitigate teen pregnancy, violence, suicide, and teen substance use. This prevention work is achieved by developing multipronged action plans and employing community-level interventions to influence policies, systems, and environments in which youth live, learn, and play. In Washington State, nearly 100 coalitions target the complex issue of teen substance use prevention. These coalitions are representative of the diversity of community stakeholders for the prevention of teen substance use. An essential partnership and contractual requirement is a school-coalition agreement to address teen substance use. Working cooperatively, coalitions leverage resources and efforts to affect teen behavioral health by planning, implementing, and evaluating prevention efforts across multiple community systems. Every sector of the community has been disrupted by COVID-19, which has implications for teen substance use prevention. This explanatory mixed-methods phenomenological study explored how the pandemic affected community sectors, what barriers or challenges COVID-19 presented, and what adaptations to programs and service delivery were made to continue teen substance use prevention work. Comprehensive effects across 11 of 12 community sectors were reported, triggering shifts in priorities and negatively affecting morale. Transportation was an identified geographical barrier, while workforce issues were universally challenging regardless of location in the state. Technological infrastructure and digital literacy were highlighted as critical barriers to the successful implementation of coalition prevention interventions and detracted from the day-to-day functioning of coalitions. Deteriorating psychosocial health resulting from sustained uncertainty about the pandemic was compounded by contentious political discourse and division about infection mitigation requirements. Increased use of virtual platforms, new and diversified stakeholder relationships, and innovative community action methods advanced the work of teen substance use prevention despite the challenges posed by the pandemic. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved)

No Place for Hate California: A Model for Community-Centered Policymaking

These are just three of more than 11,000 reports of hate against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) shared with the Stop AAPI Hate coalition during the first two years of the COVID-19 pandemic. Many more acts continue to go unreported, making the actual number much higher-potentially in the millions. Reports of anti-AAPI hate come from all fifty states and the District of Columbia, with nearly 40 percent from California. In response to the rise in hate against AAPI communities, Stop AAPI Hate introduced No Place for Hate California, a package of first-in-the-nation, state-level policy proposals. Together, these proposals take a gender-based, public health, and civil rights approach to addressing the racialized and sexualized verbal harassment experienced by AAPIs (especially AAPI women) in public, which comprise a majority of the reports submitted to Stop AAPI Hate. Stop AAPI Hate partnered with state legislators and mobilized a coalition of over fifty community-based organizations.

Thailand in 2022: The Decline and Resilience of Thailand's Conservative Establishment

Thailand's military-aligned government saw its popularity plummet in polls throughout 2022. Yet former head of the armed forces and current prime minister Prayut Chan-o-cha was resilient in the face of mass party defections, a falling-out with his fellow party leader and long-time friend Prawit Wongsuwon, a censure debate, and even a constitutional court case threatening to remove him from office. The mass street protests that were a constant feature of the previous three years evaporated as conservative forces used the controversial Section 112 Royal Defamation Law to silence the various movements' leaders. Political attention was focused on the impending elections, which shook up the party system with rampant party mergers and switching. Meanwhile a return to the 2011 electoral rules fueled talk of another Pheu Thai landslide in the next elections. The economy began to improve with the relaxing of COVID rules and the return of tourism, throwing a lifeline to a rapidly sinking Prayut, who himself switched to a new political party before the year's end.

Japan in 2022: Abe's Death, the Declining Economy, and a New Security Strategy

Japan's domestic politics in 2022, though immensely shocked by Abe's assassination, continued as usual without major changes from 2021. The LDP–Komeito coalition prevails, and opposition coalitions failed to prevent it from dominating. Although the Japanese economy is recovering from COVID-19 with increasing consumption, the recovery rate is slower than expected. The Japanese economy suffered both internally and externally in 2022. While adhering to the principle of exclusive self-defense under the US–Japan Security Treaty, the Kishida government is trying to improve deterrence with a new security strategy focusing on strengthening its counterstrike capability.

VaxForce: Mobilizing interprofessional licensees and students for community COVID-19 vaccination events.

During the early phases of the COVID-19 vaccine efforts, there was limited supply of the vaccine available to administer. However, as the vaccine supply improved, there was a lack of qualified personnel to administer the vaccine. VaxForce, a volunteer workforce management system to vet healthcare professionals and students and match them with existing vaccination events, was created. VaxForce activities were mainly focused on under-resourced communities. From March 2021 through July 2022, VaxForce mobilized 316 health professional volunteers in 72 vaccination events administering over 8451 vaccines in 7 counties in California. The racial and ethnic profile of vaccine recipients in VaxForce events were reported to be 49% Latinx, 26% Black, 4% Asian/Pacific Islander, 18% White, 3% Mixed Race.

Should fiscal policies be centralized in a monetary union? A dynamic game approach.

In this paper we analyze dynamic interactions in a monetary union with three fiscal players (the governments of the countries concerned) and a common central bank in the presence of exogenous shocks. The model is calibrated for the euro area and includes a fiscally more solid core block denoted as country 1 as well as a fiscally less solid periphery block represented by countries 2 and 3. Introducing two periphery countries allows us to capture different attitudes of the periphery countries towards the goal of sustainable fiscal performance. Moreover, different coalition scenarios are modelled in this study including a fiscal union, a coalition of periphery countries and a coalition of fiscal-stability oriented countries. The exogenous shocks are calibrated in such a way as to describe the last major crises in the euro area, namely the financial crisis, the European sovereign debt crisis, the Covid-19 crisis, and the Ukraine war (energy price) crisis. Using the OPTGAME algorithm we calculate a cooperative Pareto and non-cooperative feedback Nash equilibrium solutions for the modelled scenarios. The fully cooperative solution yields the best results. The different non-cooperative scenarios allow insights into the underlying trade-off between economic growth, price stability and fiscal stability.

Evaluation Design for The Two Georgias Initiative: Assessing Progress Toward Health Equity in the Rural South.

As persistent inequities in health gained increased attention nationally due to COVID-19 and racial justice protests in 2020, it has become increasingly important to evaluate both the process and outcomes associated with coalition-based efforts to address health inequities. The Two Georgias Initiative supports coalitions in 11 rural counties to (1) achieve greater health equity, (2) improve health and health care, (3) build healthier rural communities and improve social conditions that impact the health of rural populations, and (4) build community, organizational, and individual leadership capacity for health equity. Rural communities suffer significant health disparities relative to urban areas, and also experience internal inequities by race and poverty level. The evaluation framework for The Two Georgias Initiative provides a comprehensive mixed methods approach to evaluating both processes and outcomes. Early results related to community readiness and capacity to address health inequities, measured through a coalition member survey (n = 236) conducted at the end of the planning phase, suggest coalitions were in the preparation stage, with higher levels of readiness among coalition members and organizations/groups similar to the coalition members' own, lower levels among public officials and other leaders, and the lowest levels among county residents. In addition, coalition members reported more experience with downstream drivers (e.g., access to care) of health than upstream drivers (e.g., affordable housing, environmental or racial justice). By providing a logic model, evaluation questions and associated indicators, as well as a range of data collection methods, this evaluation approach may prove practical to others aiming to evaluate their efforts to address health equity.

Barriers to Meeting Community Needs in New York State during COVID-19: Results From a Pilot Survey of Nongovernmental Population and Community Health Professionals.

Capacity building and training help empower the community and population health organizations to partner with local health departments and collaboratively design multisectoral interventions that account for the complexity of public health and health promotion challenges in the era of COVID-19 and beyond. Ideally, training programs should be informed by an understanding of the needs and priorities of the professionals for whom they are intended. This brief report focuses on the results of a pilot online survey conducted as part of a larger pilot study by the New York State Association of County Health Officials and the Region 2 Public Health Training Center among population and community health professionals (n = 27) from four counties in New York State during the COVID-19 pandemic. Survey participants included a diverse group of staff members from various large and small nonprofit organizations, federally qualified health centers, academic institutions, hospitals, and insurers. Survey findings provide preliminary insights into the extent to which these organizations have been involved in the COVID-19 response in partnership with LHDs, barriers they faced in responding to the needs of the populations they serve and adjusting their work routines/operations to COVID-19 guidelines, and their top emerging organizational and training needs. Lessons learned from conducting an online survey during a public health emergency and implications for future training interventions for population and community health professionals are also discussed within the context of promoting multisectoral collaboration with local health departments, solving complex public health problems, and advancing health equity.

UNIPOLARITY, MULTIPOLARITY AND BIPOLAR COALITIONS. XXI CENTURY

The paper considers the consequences of one of the topical aspects of the complex and, according to some estimates, catastrophic state of the modern world – the collision of conflicting trends in globalization and sovereignty. The downward trend of globalization (not to be confused with internationalization) is observed after the global financial and economic crisis of 2008–2009. It has intensified under the influence of the covid pandemic and sanctions restrictions. Sovereignty trends, including those influenced by these factors have, on the contrary, an upward trend. In the 2020s, the contradictory tendencies of globalization and sovereignty increased the threat of world chaos. The resolution of contradictory tendencies and the formation of a new world order is possible on the basis of one of the models of a (new) unipolar, multipolar or bipolar world. The paper compares the perspectives of each of these actively discussed models of world development. On the basis of the analysis carried out, based on the theory of institutional X-Y matrices and empirical data, the greatest probability is the formation of a bipolar world. Its peculiarity, however, lies not in the crystallization of two "poles of power” in the form of rival states, but in the institutionalization of similar powerful international bipolar coalitions. Their composition was predicted by the author in the book "Institutional Matrices and the Development of Russia…” (Kirdina, 2014) and is confirmed by rесent practice. © 2022, Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

Stronger Together: Coalitions as Interventions Against Intersectional Stigma

In response and in a show of solidarity, global community-led networks- MPact Global Action for Gay Men's Health, the Global Network of People Living with HIV, the International Network of People Who Use Drugs, Global Action for Trans Equality, and the Global Network of Sex Work Projects- joined forces to cocreate HIV2020, the first alternative, community-led global HIV conference.7 Although most HIV conferences have narrowed their focus to treatment, clinical care, and other biomedical solutions, HIV2020 articulated a vision for and by key population communities. HIV2020 elevated necessary blunt discussions about sex and drug use from the points of view of communities engaged in these practices rather than encasing them in public health discourse, which can often be focused on disease and risk rather than identities and pleasure.8 The community-led conference endeavored to create a radically different global gathering in which intersectional coalitions and solidarity movements could be envisioned and formed to counter divisive agendas. [...]this was the first major conference to have done so, demonstrating yet again ingenuity and flexibility. People living with HIV, gay and bisexual men, people who use drugs, sex workers, and transgender people united in open recognition ofthe overlap between their communities and a common understanding about the synergistic and compounding effects of stigma faced by individuals with multiple community memberships and identities.

An Overlooked Strategic Powerhouse: How Nurses Can Rise to the Challenge of Integrating Public Health and Primary Care

Although the United States is one of the wealthiest countries in the world and a leader in biomedical innovation, its health care system is consistently ranked among the worst in terms of cost and health outcomes. Americans have short life expectancies, high infant mortality and obesity rates, and soaring chronic disease rates compared with other wealthy nations. In 2021, the National Academy of Medicine (NAM) was charged with examining what it would take to improve US primary care. The NAM report described the practice of siloing public health from primary care or treating these areas as separate fields of scientific inquiry, practice, and billable service.1 NAM identified this separation as a key driver of poor health outcomes and health inequities in the United States. The Institute of Medicine (IOM) examined similar phenomena in a 2012 report, noting how the two fields tend to operate independently, despite complementary functions and common goals.2Where these silos persist, we see communication and process breakdowns at the point of care. For instance, when large swaths of Americans turned to trusted primary care providers for COVID-19 vaccine insights, their primary care providers did not always have the most up-todate information, in part because of a lack of interprofessional cohesion (including fragmented public health messaging and data systems). If we are to remedy such issues, a substantive paradigm shift must take place: We must move toward what DeSalvo et al.3 termed "Public Health 3.0." In this model, multiple sectors, specialties, and stakeholders form coalitions to mobilize data, people power, and resources in a strategic manner to advance health for all. To be truly strategic, we must think carefully about how to leverage nurses-who care for patients across the lifespan and in nearly all public health nursing (PHN) and primary care settings-within these coalitions.The 2021 NAM report urges health care teams to undertake the mission of integrating systems. However, NAM stops short of describing exactly how teams ought to accomplish this aim and the proposed makeup ofsaid teams. Like any group project, success will depend on the ability of teams to identify leaders and clearly delineate responsibilities. The purpose of this editorial is to explore the potential of PHN and primary care nurses and to describe the roles they might assume in the collaborative integration of their respective silos.

Argentina 2021: Elections in Context of Crisis

In this article, we describe the main political events in Argentina during 2021. In a context of economic crisis and citizen exhaustion with the COVID-19 pandemic and the government's response to it, the Alberto Fernandez Peronist administration lost the mid-term legislative elections. Fernandez began 2021 with his popularity in decline and a deteriorated economic and political situation. This further limited his ability to respond to the accumulation of social demands. Moreover, coordination problems within the governing coalition got worse during 2021 and had a negative impact on the government's performance. While the opposition coalition also experienced internal tensions, it was able to take advantage of the government's coordination problems in the midterm elections. The relationship between the consolidation of a bipolar structure of competition, rising levels of polarization, and coalitions' internal coordination problems generate a domestic politics that is unstable in its day to day functioning and in the short term, but relatively stable in the medium term.

Understanding the Institutional Challenge of Indo-Pacific Minilaterals to ASEAN

The intensity of minilateral coalition-building among the United States and its Indo-Pacific partners, especially the consolidation of the Quad and the formation of AUKUS in 2021, has rekindled concerns over the relevance of ASEAN multilateralism and ASEAN's claim to centrality in the regional architecture. Although the challenge to ASEAN-led mechanisms from competing and parallel institutions initiated by other powers is not a new phenomenon, this article argues that the intensity of today's geopolitical tensions, primarily but not exclusively between the United States and China, has driven America and its Indo-Pacific partners to invest more in minilateral coalitions than in ASEAN institutions to advance their strategic goals. The institutional challenge that these minilaterals present to ASEAN is three-fold. First, they signify the entrenchment of hard balancing by the United States and its Indo-Pacific partners and their reduced reliance on ASEAN's normative influence. Second, their small, nimble membership holds out better prospects than ASEAN institutions in delivering tangible results and effective responses to regional security challenges. Third, they accentuate the pre-existing strategic incoherence within ASEAN in the face of Great Power competition.

Collaborative Platforms and Diversifying Partnerships of South-South Cooperation and Triangular Cooperation: Middle Powers' Struggles for Nation Branding

This study illustrates collaborative platforms and diversifying partnerships for South-South and triangular cooperation in development. The English School's pluralism-solidarism spectrum is applied as a tool to explain transformative features of the changing international society in times of crisis. The study focuses on the intermediary pluralist-solidarism phase that shows dynamics of middle power coalitions using nation branding and collaborative governance as key strategies. The transitional phase is exemplified by two approaches. One is the bilateral approach to coalition shown through the case of China, whereas the other is the inclusivemultilateral approach demonstrated through the case of South Korea. Implications are given toward relatively loose networks that have the potential to evolve into platforms with institutional grounds, especially for middle powers seeking opportunities in the new normal.

Failing Forward: How Human Rights Failures in Governments' COVID-19 Responses Can Inform the Development of International Human Rights Law

Despite the pandemic's widespread and transnational impact on human rights, both solidarity and human rights have been side-lined in key intergovernmental discussions on global health law reform to date, while conversations about the development of international human rights law seldom consider global health law's import to the field. This article argues that in spite of states' apparent reluctance to reconcile and harmonise global health law and international human rights law for fairer and more effective public health emergency preparedness and response, international law experts and practitioners are well-placed to indirectly influence normative development in this direction, drawing on their past successes in clarifying and elaborating upon informal international legal standards. Merging strengths from existing legal frameworks of global health law and international human rights law, such expert standard setting efforts can help reimagine a "progressively harmonised" framework of legal regimes for public health emergency preparedness and response. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of International Community Law Review is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Better together: Coalitions committed to advancing health equity.

The Future of Nursing 2020-2030 report identifies coalitions as a driving force for advancing health equity. Five coalitions provided insight into their accomplishments, lessons learned, and role in advancing health equity. The exemplar coalitions included Latinx Advocacy Team and Interdisciplinary Network for COVID-19, Black Coalition Against COVID, Camden Coalition, National Coalition of Ethnic Minority Nurse Associations, and The Future of Nursing: Campaign for Action. While all exemplar coalitions, credited relationship building and partnerships to their success, they used unique strategies for striving to meet their populations' needs, whether the needs arose from COVID-19, racial and/or ethnic disparities, socioeconomic disparities, or other barriers to health. Research and policy implications for coalitions are discussed. Nurses play a critical role in every highlighted coalition and in the national effort to make health and health care more equitable.

How do community responses from global south contribute to climate justice and resilience debate?

Torres, Pedro Henrique Campello;Jacobi, Pedro Roberto. Towards a just climate change resilience: Developing resilient, anticipatory and inclusive community response. Palgrave Studies in Climate Resilient Societies. Palgrave Macmillan, 2021Alternate : “Towards a just climate change resilience: Developing resilient, anticipatory and inclusive community response” fills an important gap in literature about climate justice and community responses by focusing its lenses in the global south. Designedly, the chapters cover the issue in all the continents where territories and their populations are located in the global south: Brazil and Uruguay (South America), Bangladesh (Asia), Mozambique (Africa) and Solomon Islands (Oceania). The biggest lesson learned from the cases is that strengthening the role of communities and multi-stakeholder coalitions is essential to reduce the injustices and inequalities inherent in anthropogenic climate change, in the face of deforestation, water contamination, declining catches, political instabilities and other economic impacts.Alternate : “Towards a just climate change resilience: Developing resilient, anticipatory and inclusive community response” preenche uma lacuna importante na literatura sobre justiça climática e respostas da comunidade, concentrando suas lentes no sul global. De maneira planejada, os capítulos cobrem o tema em todos os continentes onde os territórios e suas populações estão localizados no sul global: Brasil e Uruguai (América do Sul), Bangladesh (Ásia), Moçambique (África) e Ilhas Salomão (Oceania). A maior lição aprendida com os casos é que fortalecer o papel das comunidades e coalizões de múltiplas partes interessadas é essencial para reduzir as injustiças e desigualdades inerentes às mudanças climáticas antropogênicas, diante do desmatamento, contaminação da água, diminuição da pesca, instabilidades políticas e outros impactos econômicos.Alternate : “Towards a just climate change resilience: Developing resilient, anticipatory and inclusive community response” llena un vacío importante en la literatura sobre la justicia climática y las respuestas comunitarias al enfocar sus lentes en el sur global. Diseñados, los capítulos cubren el tema en todos los continentes donde los territorios y sus poblaciones se encuentran en el sur global: Brasil y Uruguay (América del Sur), Bangladesh (Asia), Mozambique (África) e Islas Salomón (Oceanía). La mayor lección aprendida de los casos es que fortalecer el papel de las comunidades y las coaliciones de múltiples partes interesadas es esencial para reducir las injusticias y desigualdades inherentes al cambio climático antropogénico, frente a la deforestación, la contaminación del agua, la disminución de las capturas, la inestabilidad política y otros impactos económicos.

Pioneering anti-poverty policies in Brazil and Mexico: ambiguities and disagreements on conditional cash transfer programs

Purpose>Focusing on the conditional cash transfers (CCTs) first created and implemented in Brazil and Mexico, this article takes a new look at the factors facilitating the creation of these innovative policies. In order to shed light on the continuous struggles that are faced when pioneering, formulating and adopting these anti-poverty policies, the authors analyze three types of ambiguities: axiological, partisan and electoral.Design/methodology/approach>Based on a gradual institutional change approach within the advocacy coalition framework, the authors conduct a qualitative analysis of semi-structured interviews, official public administration archives and newspapers.Findings>This article demonstrates that advocacy coalitions (for human capital, basic income and food security) and the quest for electoral gains are viable contexts for exploring the complex processes involved in setting up CCTs, of which Brazil's Bolsa-Família and Mexico's Progresa-Oportunidades-Prospera (POP) provide emblematic examples.Originality/value>The findings contribute to comparative social policy research and institutional change analysis. The coalitions and ambiguous consensuses studied here expand the perspectives with a more detailed understanding of the chaotic processes involved in developing social policies.